Joseph Stieb (Author of The Regime Change Consensus)

Joseph Stieb rated a book really liked it Eagle and Sword: The Beginnings of the Military Establishment in America by Richard H. Kohn	Error rating book. Refresh and try again. Rate this book Clear rating 1 of 5 stars 2 of 5 stars 3 of 5 stars 4 of 5 stars 5 of 5 stars
Dense, challenging, but rewarding and brilliant study of the formation of the US military establishment. Kohn follows the decisive years between the Revolutionary War and Jefferson's election in which the US formed a bona fide (if rather small) milit ...more
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Joseph Stieb finished reading Cue the Sun! The Invention of Reality TV by Emily Nussbaum (欧宝娱乐 Author)	Error rating book. Refresh and try again. Rate this book Clear rating 1 of 5 stars 2 of 5 stars 3 of 5 stars 4 of 5 stars 5 of 5 stars
Apr 25, 2025 11:06AM · 1 like · like · See a Problem? We鈥檇 love your help. Let us know what鈥檚 wrong with this preview of Cue the Sun! The Invention of Reality TV by Emily Nussbaum. Problem: Details (if other): Thanks for telling us about the problem. Not the book you鈥檙e looking for? Preview 鈥� Cue the Sun! The Invention of Reality TV by Emily Nussbaum <iframe sandbox id="wrongBookKindlePreviewScreen">
Joseph Stieb rated a book really liked it Apprentice in Wonderland: How Donald Trump and Mark Burnett Took America Through the Looking Glass by Ramin Setoodeh	Error rating book. Refresh and try again. Rate this book Clear rating 1 of 5 stars 2 of 5 stars 3 of 5 stars 4 of 5 stars 5 of 5 stars
An interesting idea for a book, drawn from RS's significant experience covering Trump, reality TV, and the Apprentice. I, of course, despise Trump, but I found this book kind of funny. He has a bizarre way of speaking, insinuating, bragging, etc, tha ...more
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Joseph Stieb made a comment on his review of Prophets without Honor: The 2000 Camp David Summit and the End of the Two-State Solution " Jenni wrote: "Fantastic review, as always. You have a wonderful ability to succinctly communicate complex points" Thank you! I appreciate that. ...more "
Apr 23, 2025 08:32AM · see review
Joseph Stieb rated a book really liked it Abundance by Ezra Klein	Error rating book. Refresh and try again. Rate this book Clear rating 1 of 5 stars 2 of 5 stars 3 of 5 stars 4 of 5 stars 5 of 5 stars
It's a little funny to me that this book is causing a decent amount of brouhaha among the intellgentsia. It's a very wonky, very Klein-y assessment of where liberalism has gone wrong in the last 50 years or so and what might be done about it. I did t ...more
Apr 23, 2025 07:07AM · 6 likes · like · see review · See a Problem? We鈥檇 love your help. Let us know what鈥檚 wrong with this preview of Abundance by Ezra Klein. Problem: Details (if other): Thanks for telling us about the problem. Not the book you鈥檙e looking for? Preview 鈥� Abundance by Ezra Klein <iframe sandbox id="wrongBookKindlePreviewScreen">
Joseph Stieb rated a book really liked it Prophets without Honor: The 2000 Camp David Summit and the End of the Two-State Solution by Shlomo Ben-Ami	Error rating book. Refresh and try again. Rate this book Clear rating 1 of 5 stars 2 of 5 stars 3 of 5 stars 4 of 5 stars 5 of 5 stars
Continuing my Israel-Palestine history kick, I read this book to get a better grip on the 2000 Summit, which many argue was the closest this conflict ever came to a resolution. The author is a Labor Party leader who was the Foreign Minister under Ehu ...more
Apr 22, 2025 07:24AM · 4 likes · like · see review · See a Problem? We鈥檇 love your help. Let us know what鈥檚 wrong with this preview of Prophets without Honor by Shlomo Ben-Ami. Problem: Details (if other): Thanks for telling us about the problem. Not the book you鈥檙e looking for? Preview 鈥� Prophets without Honor by Shlomo Ben-Ami <iframe sandbox id="wrongBookKindlePreviewScreen">
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Joseph Stieb rated a book it was amazing The Maniac by Benjam铆n Labatut	Error rating book. Refresh and try again. Rate this book Clear rating 1 of 5 stars 2 of 5 stars 3 of 5 stars 4 of 5 stars 5 of 5 stars
This was brilliant; it's going instantly onto my favorite books list. It's totally unique and insightful, but never preachy. It's odd and original, but not too weird. And it perfectly captures many of the anxieties I've been feeling about artificial ...more
Apr 21, 2025 10:15AM · 5 likes · like · see review
Joseph Stieb rated a book it was amazing Occidentalism: The West in the Eyes of Its Enemies by Ian Buruma	Error rating book. Refresh and try again. Rate this book Clear rating 1 of 5 stars 2 of 5 stars 3 of 5 stars 4 of 5 stars 5 of 5 stars
A brilliant, concise book. Published in 2004, this is a book driven by War on Terror era concerns, but it isn't directly about the WoT. Rather, it flips Edward Said's Orientalism on its head and draws out commonalities among the West's staunchest cri ...more
Apr 17, 2025 07:27AM · 1 like · like · see review · See a Problem? We鈥檇 love your help. Let us know what鈥檚 wrong with this preview of Occidentalism by Ian Buruma. Problem: Details (if other): Thanks for telling us about the problem. Not the book you鈥檙e looking for? Preview 鈥� Occidentalism by Ian Buruma <iframe sandbox id="wrongBookKindlePreviewScreen">
Joseph Stieb made a comment on his review of Let's Be Reasonable: A Conservative Case for Liberal Education " Hi Mark, thanks! yeah, I feel that same way regarding teaching history v teaching political theory. I think that we focus less on who is right and who ...more "
Apr 17, 2025 07:26AM · see review

Joseph Stieb rated a book really liked it

Eagle and Sword: The Beginnings of the Military Establishment in America
by Richard H. Kohn

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Dense, challenging, but rewarding and brilliant study of the formation of the US military establishment. Kohn follows the decisive years between the Revolutionary War and Jefferson's election in which the US formed a bona fide (if rather small) milit Dense, challenging, but rewarding and brilliant study of the formation of the US military establishment. Kohn follows the decisive years between the Revolutionary War and Jefferson's election in which the US formed a bona fide (if rather small) military establishment under the leadership of the Federalists.

This was a significant break from colonial political tradition, rooted in Republican and Whig ideology, that saw standing armies as an inherent menace to liberty. The 1780s demonstrated the weakness of the Articles of Confederation government, which could deal neither with internal revolt nor with external threats. A major objective of the Constitution was to empower the state to construct a military establishment, while of course dividing those powers between executive and legislative branches.

One great point in this book is just how fundamental military affairs were to the formation of early American politics and identity. There were competing visions of the country and of politics in the pro and anti-establishment camps. Pro-establishment Federalists believed that the military would bring about modernization, nationalization, and authoritative central government. They also believed that a federal state's legitimacy ultimately depended on its ability to coerce the individual states' into obeying the law. Establishment skeptics among the Republicans, however, believed with good reason that the Federalists wanted to use the military establishment for internal political control and to crush dissent. They wanted to rely more on the militia and build up a military with volunteers when absolutely necessary. They also believed that a government that relied mainly on force was not legitimate at all.

And yet, the formation of the military establishment did not emerge from some master plan but from the messy politics and contingent events of the 1790s. Weirdly, events and political debates reconciled Republicans to a minimal military establishment. The St. Clair expedition's failure in 1792 showed the weakness of poorly trained volunteer armies and the need for real military planning/organization. The US then formed a legionary army under Wayne, which defeated the Iroquois Confederacy and solidified control of the Northwest Territory. With each of these steps, the Federalists advanced the idea that regulars were superior troops and that the US needed an infrastructure of military production, training, bases, ships, etc to defend itself.

Then, major debate erupted in the mid-late 1790s over preparing for war with France. The Republicans were enamored of France and detested England, while the Federalists were the opposite. The Federalists wanted to expand the military establishment to prepare for war, but they also thought that Republicans might betray the country and ally with France to undermine the republic. Republicans, meanwhile, feared budding tyranny within the executive branch's pursuit of a military establishment. I never realized quite how heated this debate was, nor how central the military was in the Federalist-Republican split in the 1790s.

This book was also useful for understanding the divisions among the Federalists themselves, especially the High Federalists like Hamilton, against the mainstream folks like Adams. Hamilton's reputation, I think, has benefitted immensely from his early death. He comes across as arrogant and more than a little scary in this book. He championed the creation of the Provisional and New Armies, with himself at the head, of course. He was a nationalizer and modernizer way ahead of his time, but he was also politically maladroit and a bit dangerous. For example, he simply wanted to crush the Whisky Rebellion with force, whereas Washington wisely sent peace envoys to take the temperature down and show his reasonableness before moving against the rebels in a restrained way.

Hamilton ultimately got much of what he wanted re: the military, but it came at the cost of the destruction of the Federalists as a viable party. Adams greatly distrusted Hamilton, who was almost trying to run a shadow government at the time. Adams understood that the High Federalists were using the threats of war with France and related domestic subversion to justify the expansion of the military. While he wanted a basic military establishment, he thought it was more important to pursue peace with France and keep an unprepared US out of the war. He ultimately achieved this but at the cost of a major split with the High Federalists.

Political orders are said to be entrenched or legitimized when parties change hands but a basic set of structures and principles are accepted/consolidated. This happened under Jefferson and Madison, who, despite their Whiggish fears of the military, accepted and even expanded the Federalist military establishment. The US developed a system that would last over 100 years: maintain a skeletal regular military and defense infrastructure that can be expanded with volunteers during war and then limited again. This was a necessary adaptation to geopolitical realities that was compatible with American traditions and values regarding the military.

This is a difficult book; you have to focus and read it in small bites. I wouldn't recommend it if you don't have a working knowledge of the political history of the time, as Kohn assumes a baseline of understanding among the readers. However, if you are interested in US military history, war and society issues, civ-mil relations, and similar fields, this is a rewarding and classic study. ...more

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Cue the Sun! The Invention of Reality TV
by Emily Nussbaum (欧宝娱乐 Author)

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Apprentice in Wonderland by Ramin Setoodeh

Apprentice in Wonderland: How Donald Trump and Mark Burnett Took America Through the Looking Glass
by Ramin Setoodeh

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An interesting idea for a book, drawn from RS's significant experience covering Trump, reality TV, and the Apprentice. I, of course, despise Trump, but I found this book kind of funny. He has a bizarre way of speaking, insinuating, bragging, etc, tha ...more

Joseph Stieb made a comment on his review of Prophets without Honor: The 2000 Camp David Summit and the End of the Two-State Solution

Prophets without Honor by Shlomo Ben-Ami

" Jenni wrote: "Fantastic review, as always. You have a wonderful ability to succinctly communicate complex points"

Thank you! I appreciate that. ...more "

Joseph Stieb rated a book really liked it

Abundance
by Ezra Klein

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It's a little funny to me that this book is causing a decent amount of brouhaha among the intellgentsia. It's a very wonky, very Klein-y assessment of where liberalism has gone wrong in the last 50 years or so and what might be done about it. I did t It's a little funny to me that this book is causing a decent amount of brouhaha among the intellgentsia. It's a very wonky, very Klein-y assessment of where liberalism has gone wrong in the last 50 years or so and what might be done about it. I did think Ezra's chapters were a lot stronger than Derek Thompson's which felt Ted-Talkish to me, with too much canned wisdom and rather obvious insights (like, yes, we should obviously try to reduce bureaucratic red tape in science).

First, I want to give these guys credit for being really good explainers of pretty dull stuff. This book is about issues like zoning, grants, bureaucracy, housing permits, tax policy, and so on. They make it all comprehensible to a wide audience without oversimplifying too much. Even if you don't agree with them, they do a valuable service in showing people why this stuff matters.

To me, the big points of this book were to establish a new ethos for liberalism and ask for liberal self-criticism. It's not a list of policy suggestions, which would be boring. Instead, it asks liberals to ask themselves why the American people ain't buying what they're selling. He starts with the symbolism of the lawn-sign liberal (I will admit, I am one of these people). This is a well educated, socially liberal homeowner who has one of those yard signs that says things like "Hate has no home here" or "we believe in science in this house" or whatever.

These people, the authors note, frequently live in neighborhoods that are single-family zoned and which vehemently resist the building of solar panels or multi-unit housing or other things that would allow the blue cities where people want to live to be affordable. The rest of the country isn't stupid; there's a reason why blue states like California are losing people to cheaper states that actually build housing and infrastructure, like Texas or Arizona. They can see California's abysmal failure to build high-speed rail, which has consumed billions to basically no effect.The REpublicans have a winning (if somewhat dishonest) message when they point to failures of governance in blue states, and esp. in unaffordable blue cities, and say "do you want the whole country to be like that?"

This is a problem for liberals and Democrats. K&T diagnose the problem as a liberalism that, in terms of growth and innovation, is far too conservative. There are way too many veto points and regulations in the process of starting a business or building housing, each of which satisfies an interest group in the liberal coalition but delays the process of building/innovation and adds costs to it. This, plus outright NIMBY-ism, helps explain why blue states/cities fail to build housing and transportation infrastructure, raising the cost and pushing out working class and even middle-income people. This means that it is really, really hard to live at the centers of innovation in our society, which is really bad for innovation.

Furthermore, we should be putting flashing lights around the point that if voters see liberal cities as unlivable places, they will not want to embrace liberal candidates or policies! Emergency!

I really enjoyed the first few chapters of this book, but Thompson's chapters felt weaker and more surface-level. Nonetheless, I think this book does a solid job diagnosing the problems of liberalism in the last half-century and how all this hurts the Democrats. We spend too much time making sure each interest group in our coalition is happy. We value performative solidarity with the marginalized rather than the policies that will actually help them. We make it too hard for new innovations to diffuse throughout the entire society. This book is a good start for thinking about these problems and how to adopt a new liberal ethos of growth and innovation that partners the public and private spheres rather than pitting themselves against each other, as our left-right binary tends to do. ...more

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Prophets without Honor: The 2000 Camp David Summit and the End of the Two-State Solution
by Shlomo Ben-Ami

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Continuing my Israel-Palestine history kick, I read this book to get a better grip on the 2000 Summit, which many argue was the closest this conflict ever came to a resolution. The author is a Labor Party leader who was the Foreign Minister under Ehu Continuing my Israel-Palestine history kick, I read this book to get a better grip on the 2000 Summit, which many argue was the closest this conflict ever came to a resolution. The author is a Labor Party leader who was the Foreign Minister under Ehud Barak and a lead negotiator at Camp David.

I'll get my critique out up front: the main issue with the book is the organization. It's simply too long and disorganized. A shorter book could have had more impact, as Rashid Khalidi's history of the conflict did. Also, this book spends the first 60% on Camp David, then moves into a somewhat disjointed set of essays and reflections that circles back to other periods of this conflict. If you aren't already familiar with the conflict, this can be hard to follow.

Still, I learned a ton from this book, and I thought it was wise and fair-minded. In fact, it is quite excoriating of almost everyone involved. SBA's thesis is that Camp David was nowhere near as close to success as its defenders argue. At different points in this process, Barak and/or Clinton offered a deal to Palestinians that would have offered a state (albeit one with limitations on foreign alliances and military policy) consisting of around 90% of the West Bank and Gaza, requiring a freeze on settlements and land swaps to compensate for existing settlements in Palestinian territory. The deal would also provide for a splitting of Jerusalem, although the . It would not allow for the right of return for Palestinians to Israel proper.

The main problems, SBA argues, were largely political: each actor in the Camp David summit was not in position to commit to this deal nor to deal with the political consequences of accepting it. Each was in a precarious political position. Clinton was a lame duck president. Barak was holding together a shaky coalition, and he had seen other Israeli leaders have their careers destroyed (or be assassinated) for trying to make peace. And YA was trying to maintain his standing among a fractured, radicalizing Palestinian movement; he also feared for his life if he made a deal that sacrificed key Palestinian values. So the odds were always stacked against Camp David, not because the deal didn't make sense on paper, but because it was politically untenable.

Nonetheless, SBA digs deeper than this to point out the flaws and pathologies of individual figures, as well as the movements/nations involved. YA comes across as deeply flawed, arguably the largest obstacle to a deal. Throughout CD, YA refused to actually negotiate. He didn't make counteroffers. He merely pocketed Israeli concessions, asked for more, and threatened to walk out over and over again. He never realized the profound effect that Palestinian terrorism had on the Israeli psyche. He was also somewhat addicted to his own vision of winning Palestinian statehood through armed struggle, which had been the paradigm of his whole career, rather than shifting into statesman mode and accepting 75% of what he wanted. His insistence on the right of return, and failure to realize that the ISraelis saw this (rightly) as the end of the Jewish state, was another stumbling block. He was also becoming erratic and grandiose at the time, according to many who knew him. He also embraced the Second Intifada right away, further poisoning the well with Israel.

And yet, SBA argues that the Israelis deserve a lot of the blame for CD's failure and the collapse of the peace process. Barak was inconsistent and haughty, and he struggled to keep his political coalition together. Israel post 67 was in the catbird seat geopolitically, but it clung to an outdated version of itself as always at the brink of existential elimination. The truth is that Palestinian terrorism is not an existential threat, but that the settlement movement is. It has made Israel more militaristic, less democratic, and more paranoid. If insistence on the right of return and the armed struggle are the Palestinian Achilles' Heels, then obsession with settlements is Israel's. It's literally eating the two-state solution alive. And all of this was before the current war, which has probably put the last nail in the coffin of 2-state.

SBA is also tough on the US and the Arab states. The close alignment of Likud with the GOP, and its significant influence in the US political system as a whole, makes it risky for any politician to push Israel too hard. The US, moreover, has never put the same kind of must-win attitude/leverage into this problem as it did into Camp David 78, where the US national interest compelled Carter to compel the two parties at hand to come to a deal. The truth is that the IP conflict isn't actually that important to the grand geopolitical scheme for the US, and that explains a lot of why we don't force the hands of the parties (not that we could solve this from the outside!).

So SBA's conclusion is that the 2-state solution is effectively dead. It works on paper, but it's become politically impossible. As Israel's normalization with the outside world continues, the diplomatic energy required to get them to commit to a 2-state solution is impossible. The mutual hatred and destruction ginned up by the recent post 10/7 war only makes things harder. SBA's recommendation, which I think is probably the best alternative to permanent occupation, is to pressure Jordan for a sort of fusion with the Palestinians. This may not be politically feasible, but I'm not seeing any other realistic avenue at this point.

Anyways, this was one of the more enlightening and reasonable works I've come across on this history, but it is work to get through, as a rather dense read. ...more

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The Maniac
by Benjam铆n Labatut

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This was brilliant; it's going instantly onto my favorite books list. It's totally unique and insightful, but never preachy. It's odd and original, but not too weird. And it perfectly captures many of the anxieties I've been feeling about artificial ...more

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Occidentalism: The West in the Eyes of Its Enemies
by Ian Buruma

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A brilliant, concise book. Published in 2004, this is a book driven by War on Terror era concerns, but it isn't directly about the WoT. Rather, it flips Edward Said's Orientalism on its head and draws out commonalities among the West's staunchest cri A brilliant, concise book. Published in 2004, this is a book driven by War on Terror era concerns, but it isn't directly about the WoT. Rather, it flips Edward Said's Orientalism on its head and draws out commonalities among the West's staunchest critics and enemies. This is not a clash of civilizations book, because many of the haters of Western modernity IB and AM talk about are Western themselves (romantics, nationalists, fascists, and a lot of Russians). But Occidentalists also include anti-colonial nationalists, non-Western imperialists like the Japanese, and, most importantly for the context of the book, Islamists of various stripes.

Occidentalism is a complex of stereotypes and archetypes about Western modernity that can become the justification for violence. Key tenets include: the loathing of the city in all its cosmopolitanism, anonymity, and contrasts in wealth; its ethos of trade and education over martial heroism, its liberal emphasis on fairness and process rather than tribal alignment; its ostensible mechanization and coldness over more "organic" communities; and its liberation of long marginalized groups such as Jews, women, and gay people.

So Occidentalists raged against modernity, which they equated with the West, as well as against the modernizers in their own societies. They imagined long ago, mythological pasts when their organic communities (race, faith, nation, what-have-you) were pure and unified. They justified violent attacks on the West on the basis of a set of stereotypes no more harmful and inaccurate than

This is a great book for thinking about the War on Terror as a manifestation of larger trends in the world. The War on Terror was not a clash of civilizations, but acts like 9/11 were the extreme edge of a reaction against Western modernity within the Islamic world. Modern Islamist terrorism wasn't simply a cultural revolt; it varied from context to context, had specific political aims, and was directed against the US in many cases for a reason. But it's also quite clear that the modern movement of Islamism has large segments (maybe even dominant ones) that hold an Occidentalist resentment and rejection of Western modernity, and a desire to create either different modernities or to return to an imagined past. I think this framework does a lot to explain the deep and abiding conflicts within the Islamic world and between Islamism and the West.

This book might step on some PC toes, but it is really useful for thinking through these problems. Highly recommended; plus it takes no time at all to read! ...more

Joseph Stieb made a comment on his review of Let's Be Reasonable: A Conservative Case for Liberal Education

" Hi Mark, thanks! yeah, I feel that same way regarding teaching history v teaching political theory. I think that we focus less on who is right and who ...more "

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